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Indonesia HeadlinesResults Page:BALI BLAST SUSPECT SHOWS BOMB-MAKINGDate Added: Monday, February 10th, 2003Contributed by: RCN Administrator
BALI, Indonesia (Feb. 11) - A key suspect in October’s Bali nightclub bombings apologized to the victims’ families on Tuesday and showed reporters how he and others allegedly assembled the explosives that killed 192 people, most of them foreign tourists.
Wearing a fake suicide bomb vest over his blue prison uniform, Ali Imron conducted a bizarre news conference at police headquarters and confessed to coordinating the attack on the Sari Club and Paddy’s Bar. Imron boasted about his bomb-making skills and then voiced remorse for the carnage blamed on Jemaah Islamiyah, an al-Qaida-linked Islamic group. ``Our capabilities as Indonesians are something to be proud of, but they were used for a wrong purpose," said Imron, who claimed he learned how to make bombs in Afghanistan and has admitted to helping plan the Oct. 12 attack. ``I hope that there will be no more arguments about who really detonated the Bali bombs," he said. ``In my heart, I regret this. I want to apologize to the victims’ families in Indonesia and to foreign families." Investigators have rounded up 29 suspected members of Jemaah Islamiyah since the bombings, including Imron. But they have struggled to convince a skeptical public that a group of Indonesians planned and carried out the bombings, despite confessions from many of the suspects. As a result, detectives have staged a series of re-enactments since December aimed at showing how the attack was executed. Tuesday’s focused on how the group allegedly put together a bomb that was carried into Paddy’s nightclub and a much larger device placed inside a Mitsubishi minivan outside the packed Sari Club on the opposite side of the street. Imron showed how his group allegedly built the bomb placed in the minivan. He said it took eight days to assemble. Investigators have estimated that it weighed up to 220 pounds. But on Tuesday, Imron claimed that it weighed over a ton and consisted of a mix of potassium chlorate, sulfur and aluminum powder. Later in the presentation, Imron strapped on a vest that featured eight mock pipe bombs with explosive chords connected to a detonator switch. It was the device that one of the terrorists was wearing when he allegedly blew himself up inside Paddy’s. Imron said the attackers chose Bali because they thought it was a popular tourist spot for Americans. ``We picked (Bali) because we wanted to target America and its allies," he said. In Canberra, Australia police chief Mick Keelty praised Indonesia’s investigation of the bombings and said it was likely that Muslim cleric Abu Bakar Bashir, Jemaah Islamiyah’s spiritual leader, would also be charged with involvement in the Bali attack. Bashir was arrested by Indonesian authorities soon after Oct. 12. Authorities have said he will face charges connected with a series of church bombings in 2000 and an alleged plot to assassinate Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri. The first trials in the case are expected to begin next month in Bali, police say.Results Page: INDONESIA: FOCUS ON BORDERS AIMS FOR INTERNAL COHESIONDate Added: Wednesday, January 29th, 2003Contributed by: RCN Administrator
Summary
The Indonesian government is preparing to write a bill on state borders, highlighting recent concerns sparked by last year’s International Court of Justice ruling that Malaysia had sovereignty over the disputed Sipadan and Ligitan islands. But Indonesia’s intensified focus on border security might be more than a reaction to the court’s ruling. Jakarta also hopes to stir national pride and unity as the government continues to struggle with domestic, economic and security issues that threaten to tear the nation apart. Analysis Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri said Jan. 29 that the government and legislature had agreed on the need to write a bill addressing Indonesia’s borders. The decision comes amid an intensive refocus on Indonesia’s borders, following the Dec. 17 ruling by the International Court of Justice that the disputed islands of Sipadan and Ligitan belong to Malaysia. While the ICJ ruling was unpleasant for Jakarta, it was not unexpected. Malaysia has had administrative control of the islands for years, and Sipadan itself is well-known as a Malaysian scuba resort. Rather, Indonesia sees two distinct issues regarding its borders. The military has noted several times that it lacks the equipment and funds to provide adequate patrols -- and thus is seeking more money. Meanwhile, the government -- faced with continued economic uncertainty and growing public dissatisfaction -- is hoping to stir nationalism, and thus unity and support for the government. Over the past few weeks, Indonesia has taken several steps toward redefining its borders and raising awareness of national sovereignty. The military has stressed that its two primary issues for the year will be to deal with the separatist problems in Aceh and West Papua -- placing priority on protecting Indonesia’s territorial integrity. Neighboring Papua New Guinea has noted a buildup of troops along the West Papua border. At the other end of the archipelago, the military has said the Free Aceh Movement remains in violation of the Dec. 9 truce, and thus it cannot withdraw its forces from the province. Beyond the internal separatist threats, there have been increased discussions of protecting Indonesia’s land borders with Malaysia, East Timor and Papua New Guinea. There also is a renewed interest in guarding Indonesia’s maritime borders, with the navy and the Ministry of Maritime and Fisheries proposing plans to safeguard Indonesia’s outlying unoccupied islands. Jakarta is concerned that these islands, from which Indonesia’s maritime borders are delineated, must be better managed in order to keep them from physically sinking into the ocean -- and thus shrinking Indonesia’s claims on its territorial sea and its exclusive economic zones. More directly, Jakarta has raised the issue of taking control over its airspace. Malaysia and Singapore currently manage some flight information over parts of Sumatra and western Indonesia. Jakarta also reportedly is reconsidering Singapore’s permission to use Indonesian airspace for its military aircraft. Indonesia’s maritime authorities have taken a stronger approach to illegal fishing vessels in the nation’s territorial waters -- detaining eight foreign ships and sinking four Philippine fishing vessels this week alone. The increased military action and attention to the borders might be part of the armed forces’ ongoing move to reassert their authority as the one key bastion of stability in Indonesia. And to be even more effective, the military can argue, it needs more money and tools to protect Indonesia’s territorial integrity. But the political apparatus in Jakarta has its own motives for playing up border issues at this time. Jakarta and several other cities were rocked by public demonstrations against recent energy price hikes, leading the government to retreat from its already embattled economic program just as foreign aid donors were meeting to discuss new loans and assistance to Indonesia. While the demonstrations themselves did not pose an immediate threat to the standing government, they were a clear reminder of the economic troubles and social dissatisfaction brewing among Indonesia’s 231 million citizens. By refocusing attention on border issues -- particularly areas where neighboring nations could compromise the sovereignty of Indonesia -- Jakarta might hope to redirect some of the pent-up ire and stir a strong sense of nationalism. This would not be the first time that the Indonesian government tried such a course. Three decades ago, Megawati’s father, then-President Sukarno, launched the Konfrontasi, a low-grade guerrilla campaign, against Malaysia in an attempt to direct public attention away from Indonesia’s failing economic policies. However, such a policy is not without risk. It was during the Konfrontasi years that Sukarno was removed and his successor, Suharto, rose to power. Yet Jakarta seems to be running out of ideas of how best to keep national unity in an ethnically diverse population spread over 6,000 of the archipelago’s 17,000 islands. The military, while regaining political power, is a mere shadow of its former self under Suharto. In addition, political bickering among religious and self-interest groups runs high, keeping even the central government from becoming a cohesive entity. For Jakarta, turning the popular attention outward, rather than inward, might buy time, but it will do little to solve the inherent economic and social instabilities that threaten Asia’s third-largest nation. And the tensions Jakarta stirs with neighboring countries will do little to reassure international lenders and investors of Indonesia’s economic attractiveness.
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INDONESIA: BALI BOMBING FORCING MILITARY TO ADDRESS MILITIA DILEMMADate Added: Wednesday, November 6th, 2002Contributed by: RCN Administrator
The Indonesian militant organization Islam Defenders Front (FPI) announced the suspension of its activities Nov. 6, weeks after a similar announcement from the larger Laskar Jihad. The announcements followed increasing domestic and foreign pressure in the aftermath of the Oct. 12 bombing of a Bali nightclub, an attack that has been linked tentatively to al Qaeda.
Although the entire Indonesian government still is grappling with the repercussions from the attack in Bali, which formerly was untainted by the trouble wracking the rest of Indonesia, the military faces its own particular dilemma: What to do about these militias? After the fall of former President Suharto, Indonesia’s military came under attack from civilian politicians who were eager to wrest power from the security apparatus. In its weakened state, the military turned to civilian militias to help bolster its power and maintain a presence throughout the archipelago. The relationship has proved a mixed blessing. Among the benefits, it has allowed the military to keep a hand in quashing potential separatist movements around the country -- though as seen in East Timor, this has not always been successful. In addition, the military has been able to help direct the focus of Islamic militants and give them just enough leeway to keep them occupied while preventing them from turning on the state. But at the same time, the relationship with militias has tainted the military’s reputation even more than its actions during the autocratic Suharto’s term, and it has led to sanctions on new weapons and supplies from foreign countries. The relationship also has allowed militias to flourish and begin building their own support bases independent of the military. For example, in recent months there have been increasingly frequent reports of Laskar Jihad forces moving into West Papua -- Indonesia’s easternmost province, where indigenous tribes are waging a low-level separatist struggle. The military has used this and other civilian militias not only to keep separatists in check but also to provide security for foreign companies. But the militias, and local members of the military, have been accused of threatening the foreign businesses and extorting protection money from them. An Aug. 31 incident near the Freeport MacMoran facility in West Papua -- where unidentified gunmen attacked a company convoy and killed several passengers, including two Americans -- highlights the potential problems with these militias. Reports about the identity of the perpetrators have been mixed and tainted by bias, but it is not unlikely that militia members were involved. While extortion, misidentification or a growing unease at the presence of U.S. interests might have triggered the attack, the outcome has drawn only more attention to the military’s inability to fully control the outlying regions. In the months since the attack, several more reports have emerged from West Papua alleging that hundreds of Laskar Jihad members are flowing into the province, attacking churches and locals. With the bombing in Bali, the military was faced with the reality that it was losing control over militants. Through strategic arrests and pressure, the armed forces convinced both Laskar Jihad and the FPI to announce their dissolution -- announcements that could be little more than cosmetic. But this likely is only a temporary solution, one that poses a new set of challenges. The organization of these militias allowed the military to monitor and regulate more closely the activities of militant Islamists. By closing themselves down, their members are free to roam, and some might be picked up by lower-profile groups linked to or sympathetic with al Qaeda. At the same time, the government and military’s appearance of cracking down on Islamists can lead elements of the militias to turn their attention to the state and target Jakarta -- or its perceived Western allies -- as the enemy. For the military, there is no easy solution to this dilemma.
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POLICE: INDONESIA BLAST KILLS ONEDate Added: Sunday, September 22nd, 2002Contributed by: RCN Administrator
Three other people were in the car when the grenade went off in a residential neighborhood of central Jakarta, police and witnesses said. Police said the driver was detained but two passengers got away.
National police chief Da’i Bachtiar initially told reporters the men were on their way to attack the embassy-owned building. But at a news conference later he called the explosion near the U.S.-owned residence ``coincidental." When asked whether it was an attack against U.S. interests, Bachtiar replied: ``We don’t know. We are investigating." He said the driver led police to the city of Bogor, 35 miles south of Jakarta, where more weapons and explosives were found during raids on two homes. The cache included TNT and 100 bullets, Bachtiar said. In Bogor, police also searched the home of Ahmad Azis, the man killed in the blast, and picked up his wife for questioning, said city police chief Col. Edmon Ilyas. An embassy statement released Monday said: ``The U.S. Embassy is in direct contact with the Indonesian national police and at this time there are no indications that U.S. Embassy properties or U.S. interests were targeted." The embassy, which remained open Monday, confirmed that it owned several properties in the area. The embassy had been closed on Sept. 10 for six days due to what U.S. Ambassador Ralph Boyce called a ``credible and specific threat" that he suggested was linked to the al-Qaida terrorist network. Though now reopened, the embassy has cautioned U.S. citizens to stay away. A concrete barricade erected last week runs the length of the complex as a deterrent against bomb attacks. Indonesia is the world’s most populous Muslim country. The government has been cooperating with the U.S.-led war on terror and has come under fire from some radical groups that accuse it of being too close to Washington. The explosion occurred about 3:30 a.m. in a residential area just yards from the vacant house, said city police chief Col. Edmon Ilyas. The damage was confined to the car, which swerved and hit a concrete curb, witnesses said. Residents chased the three survivors, capturing the slightly injured driver and holding him until police arrived. Two other suspects remained at large, Ilyas said. Police suspect Azis, a resident of Bogor, was handling the grenade went it went off in the front seat. They said the driver, identified solely as Yusuf, carried an identity card issued in Ambon, the capital of Maluku Province. Maluku, about 1,600 miles east of Jakarta, has been wracked by three years of fighting between Christians and Muslims that has killed around 9,000 people.
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INDONESIA: POSSIBLE U.S. PRESSURE TACTICS MAY BACKFIREDate Added: Thursday, September 12th, 2002Contributed by: RCN Administrator
Indonesian security officials expressed "surprise" over the Sept. 11 closure of the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta, amid comments by a U.S. ambassador cautioning businesses to stay out of Indonesia until the country stabilizes. Washington is trying to exert political and economic pressure on the government to do more in the anti-terrorism campaign, but this may only serve to exacerbate tensions within Jakarta.
Analysis Government and security officials in Indonesia are questioning Washington’s decision Sept. 10 to close its embassy in Jakarta indefinitely due to alleged terrorist threats, saying the closure could tarnish Indonesia’s image. Washington’s announcement came on the heels of a comment by U.S. Ambassador Ralph L. Boyce that U.S. businesses should refrain from new investments in Indonesia until after the country’s investment and security climates improve. The embassy closure was one of many U.S. security measures taken in Southeast Asia near the Sept. 11 anniversary, but when combined with Boyce’s comments, it appears to be a vote of no confidence in Indonesia by the United States. Though the two recent actions may be unrelated or coincidental, they may also be part of a U.S. effort to pressure Jakarta to do more in the war against terrorism.
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INDONESIA: POSSIBLE U.S. PRESSURE TACTICS MAY BACKFIREDate Added: Tuesday, September 10th, 2002Contributed by: RCN Administrator
Government and security officials in Indonesia are questioning Washington’s decision Sept. 10 to close its embassy in Jakarta indefinitely due to alleged terrorist threats, saying the closure could tarnish Indonesia’s image. Washington’s announcement came on the heels of a comment by U.S. Ambassador Ralph L. Boyce that U.S. businesses should refrain from new investments in Indonesia until after the country’s investment and security climates improve.
The embassy closure was one of many U.S. security measures taken in Southeast Asia near the Sept. 11 anniversary, but when combined with Boyce’s comments, it appears to be a vote of no confidence in Indonesia by the United States. Though the two recent actions may be unrelated or coincidental, they may also be part of a U.S. effort to pressure Jakarta to do more in the war against terrorism. But no matter what the intention, the U.S. actions are fueling tensions between competing factions within the Indonesian government, which must balance support for Washington with the interests of domestic groups. The U.S. move could backfire by quickly widening these rifts and fractures. Washington remains concerned that Jakarta has not done enough to prevent Indonesia from becoming a convenient location for al Qaeda and other militant groups to organize and plan operations. And the United States is not alone in this fear, as Indonesia’s neighbors Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and even Australia have voiced concerns that Jakarta will not crack down on groups and individuals with suspected al Qaeda links. For instance, National Police chief Gen. Dai Bachtiar recently said there is no proof that alleged militant leader Abu Bakar Bashir is involved in any terrorist activities, even though Singapore, Malaysia and the Philippines have all accused him of having ties to al Qaeda. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Indonesia’s coordinating minister for political and security affairs, said Sept. 10 he was "surprised" by Washington’s decision to indefinitely shut its embassy, local media reported. The effect this could have on international perceptions of Indonesia is particularly troubling for a nation that continues to struggle to attract foreign investments and aid. Dai Bachtiar told the Antara news agency Sept. 11 that the embassy closure was strictly on orders from Washington and not due to any immediate terrorist threat from inside Indonesia. He also said Jakarta could not fault the embassy as it did not give the order. But Indonesian Vice President Hamzah Haz has requested Boyce visit his office on Sept. 12, Antara reported. For Indonesian officials, the fear of U.S. pressure tactics is two-fold. First, Indonesia is struggling for foreign investments to boost its economy, which still languishes from the 1997 Asian economic crisis. Foreign investments into Indonesia have dropped 40 percent since the beginning of the year, BBC reported. And the continued appearance of political and economic instability, the lax rule of law, rampant corruption and the ongoing warnings about terrorism threats and anti-American sentiment in the country only serve to exacerbate the difficulties of attracting new investments. But government officials are also trying to appease internal interest groups, and U.S. criticism stirs resentment among some sectors in the country. Furthermore, because Indonesia is the world’s most populous Islamic nation, the government must walk a careful line in balancing the interests of the Islamic masses and the desires of the United States or Indonesia’s neighbors. Many politicians are trying to rally the support of Indonesians by playing the Muslim card, standing up to the United States in what they see as its undeclared war on Islam. Even those officials who are not playing up their Islamic credentials still portray themselves as Indonesian nationalists and cannot be seen as kowtowing to Washington too deeply. By inserting itself further into this divide with its possible pressure tactics, whether intentional or not, Washington may actually be making it more difficult for Jakarta to cooperate against terrorism.
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WHEN IS "NOT A BASE" STILL A BASE FOR U.S.?Date Added: Monday, September 2nd, 2002Contributed by: RCN Administrator
Although recent reports of a new U.S. naval facility in Indonesia appear to be mainly rumor for now, Washington is working out agreements for U.S. forces to operate throughout Asia. A look at Washington’s agreements with the Philippines counters the assertions by both sides that the United States is not looking to establish a permanent presence there.
Analysis Indonesian and U.S. officials have denied a recent report by Indonesian news agency Antara that the two nations have signed a deal to build a U.S. naval dock in Bitung on the island of Sulawesi, Singapore’s Straits Times reported. The paper said the facility in question is a civilian commercial venture and that although Washington did look at establishing a naval facility in Indonesia, the idea has been dropped. While the Indonesian report may have been speculation, Washington is in fact making arrangements to temporarily use land, air and sea bases for U.S. forces throughout Asia -- from Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan to Sri Lanka and the Philippines -- to help in operations in Afghanistan and in the wider hunt for al Qaeda. Washington and the various host countries have denied repeatedly that any sort of permanent basing arrangements are being considered. But in the case of the Philippines, for example, it is clear that despite the absence of new facilities, U.S. forces will be there for a long time. Washington is interested in furthering military ties with the Philippines due to the country’s strategic location near both Southeast Asian potential terrorist and militant groups and China. Manila is not the only Asian target of renewed U.S. interest, however. Washington also is strengthening its military ties with Sri Lanka, India, Pakistan, Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia and Thailand, among others. Adm. Dennis Blair, former commander in chief of the U.S. Pacific Command, was a strong supporter of increased U.S. military cooperation in Asia, and he worked to establish a network of facilities where U.S. forces could train, visit, resupply and rest during deployments in the region. This program was given added impetus by the events of Sept. 11, and Blair’s successor has maintained that momentum. While the U.S. military does not have a traditional "base" in the Philippines, it is using a series of joint training exercises to give it a relatively permanent position there. For instance, even when the already extended Balikatan 02-1 exercises ended on July 31, the 160 U.S. forces deployed earlier in the year to help train Philippine troops in counterterrorism tactics remained in the country, and they will stay there until October when the next round of bilateral exercises kicks off, according to U.S. military spokesman Maj. Richard Sater. Sater told Philippine reporters that nearly 900 other U.S. soldiers also would remain in the Philippines in Zamboanga City and Cebu under the Long Term Security Assistance Package program. In fact, Sater admitted that pretty much the only ones leaving the Philippines were the nearly 400 military engineers from the U.S. Naval Construction Task Group who were posted on the rebel-infested southern island of Basilan in April to help construct roads, airstrips and port facilities, according to the Philippine Daily Inquirer. The next major U.S.-Philippine joint exercises will start in October and are tentatively slated to last nine months, extending the U.S. presence in the Philippines through at least June 2003. And Manila and Washington are still working out the final details of a Mutual Logistics Support Agreement (MLSA) that will allow the U.S. military to leave supplies in the Philippines and to use Philippine bases both in times of peace during military exercises and in times of international tensions or national emergencies. The MLSA has come under intense scrutiny inside the Philippines, but the executive branch in Manila has decided to "fast track" the accord, leaving little room for congressional input, according to Philippine media. While the agreement will carry a stipulation that no "permanent" U.S. structures are built in the Philippines, it allows for increased U.S. military coordination with Manila. Beyond the MLSA, U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell announced an additional $55 million in military assistance for the Philippines during an early August visit, and Manila and Washington have established the joint Defense Policy Board to strengthen bilateral military cooperation and coordination. The tighter security cooperation between the two sides also can be seen in the search for communist militants in the Philippines. After Manila this summer declared the al Qaeda-linked Abu Sayyaf rebel group all but defeated, it turned its sights on the New People’s Army and related communist militants. Washington quickly obliged Manila, adding the groups to its list of international terrorists and calling on the international community to block funding to Philippine communist groups. Helping Manila fight the Abu Sayyaf was Washington’s original justification for deploying troops to the country in January and seeking closer military links. Now with the Abu Sayyaf fading, both nations have found a new mutual enemy -- laying the groundwork for even more cooperation in the months and years to come.
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INDONESIA: HEIGHTENED JAKARTA SECURITY MAY HURT PROVINCESDate Added: Tuesday, July 30th, 2002Contributed by: RCN Administrator
Indonesia’s Parliament -- the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR) -- will hold its annual session Aug. 1-10, wherein it will debate several contentious issues including constitutional reform and regional autonomy regulations. The potential for heightened unrest in the capitol has caused Indonesian security forces to deploy tens of thousands of personnel to Jakarta and the core surrounding provinces.
The top priority for Indonesian security during the MPR will be to maintain stability in the capitol area. This could leave some of the outlying provinces -- beset by separatist, religious and ethnic insurgencies -- less protected, encouraging militant groups to strike out. The next two weeks could be a test of the ability of Indonesia’s security forces to contend with multiple, simultaneous crises across the archipelago. Security personnel and politicians in the outlying regions are well aware of this threat, given recent increases in violence in many provinces, and have called for military and police reinforcements. But additional deployments are unlikely until after the MPR session, given that security forces in Jakarta will have their hands full. Already at least 23 groups, including the Defenders of Islam, have registered to rally around the parliament building, and many more illegal demonstrations are expected over the coming week. For instance, militant Islamic group Laskar Jihad may pose a particular problem for security forces in the capitol. Laskar commander Ja’far Umar Thalib, recently released by Indonesian authorities after being held in prison since May for allegedly trying to provoke "chaos," also reportedly opposes a government proposal to forcibly remove the Laskar Jihad from Maluku province and other areas of conflict within the country. Ja’far warned July 25 about the possibility of "spontaneous protests" during the Parliament session, Kompas Cyber Media reported. To counter such threats, National Police Chief Gen. Da’I Bachitiar said in the Jakarta Post that 5,898 police personnel will be deployed to secure Jakarta, and 40,000 officers will be standing by in case they are needed. They in turn will be backed by at least three platoons of army, navy and air force personnel, who have been specially trained in crowd-control tactics. The police chief also said that nearly 33,000 police personnel would be deployed to what are considered the critical provinces of West, East and Central Java, as well as Lampung and Bali. But with all eyes and arms focused on the capitol and surrounding areas, three other regions of instability could be in for an even rougher two weeks. Of these, the oil- and gas-rich province of Aceh in northern Sumatra has been the object of much debate in Jakarta in recent weeks, as government and security officials have discussed whether to break off peace talks with the separatist Free Aceh Movement and impose a state of civil emergency. Military authorities have requested 8,000 more troops be deployed to Aceh, but the final decision is not expected until after the MPR session. Yet, with the military reportedly preparing to launch a major assault in the province in a few weeks, after the Free Aceh Movement was classified as a terrorist organization, the rebel group may see the Parliament session as a window of opportunity to attack more military targets and oil and gas infrastructure before reinforcements can be sent. Like those in Aceh, officials in Maluku province are awaiting more troops. In response to a July 27 bombing, the governor of Ambon -- an island particularly hard-hit by the province’s sectarian violence -- requested a counterterrorism team be formed to combat attacks by suspected terrorist groups. The MPR session may act as a catalyst for renewed attacks in the ongoing battle between Christian and Muslim militants on Ambon and the surrounding islands. In Borneo, violence between native Dyaks and Madurese tribal settlers has flared anew. Police blamed Dyak tribesmen for beheading four people in Borneo on July 29. Last year, violence between Dyak and Madurese settlers resulted in thousands of Madurese refugees fleeing the province. If such an event were to happen again, security in nearby Java province -- which is forced to deal with the bulk of the refugees -- may have to be displaced to deal with angry and homeless refugees. Indonesian Defense Minister Matori Abdul Jalil announced in a press conference July 31 that Indonesia does not need military help from the United States in fighting terrorism. Heightened activity by domestic insurgents, as well as by other interested parties, during the Parliament session may prove whether he is correct.
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DICTATOR’S SON JAILED FOR 15 YEARSDate Added: Thursday, July 25th, 2002Contributed by: RCN Administrator
An Indonesian court has found the youngest son of former dictator Suharto guilty of paying two hitmen to murder a Supreme Court justice. Hutomo Mandala Putra, better known as Tommy, was found guilty of murder and fleeing justice and sentenced to 15 years in jail. Judge Andi Samsan Nganro said Tommy instructed the hitmen to kill the judge who had sentenced him to a prison term for corruption. The trial was considered a test of post-Suharto Indonesia’s ability to overhaul a corrupt judicial system.
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